Abstract:
Phe Ihesis examines the evolution of the -policies of
the People fs Jtenublie of China towards J?hail°nd, PTal ysia,
Singapore, Iidonesia pad the Philip-pines, organised in
the Association of Southeast Asian Nations from 1969 to 1975•
2ze first central point of this study is an *ir sumption
that the foreign relations of The People's Tepublic of
Chi la Towards Southeast ^sia have been motivated by a
dynamic interplay of t^o main factors: (1) Farxist-Leninist
ideology and ICao J^e-tung Ph^ught, which dictate to China
to behave as a revolutionary Dover vhich must assist the
insurgent movements in the area in their strug fle to overthrow
the local governments; (2) national interest, vhich
demands of China to safeguard the southern flank of her
territory bordering on Southerst 'sia through Friendly relations,
trade and ot*»er conventional inrtniments of diplomacy.
hile the tvo main motive factors are nuTually antagonistic
and exclusivet the Chinere leaders are nevertheless
at te mi ting to oring them iirco a coherent policy under Mao's
theory of tve {hniity of op-nosites," vhich believes that it
is -possible to reconcile these co-posing tendencies into a
dynamic enuibrium through vhich both opnosites could be
promoted at the same time although not to the same extent*
la other words, the Chinese leaders conceive the dynamic
equilibrium as a continuum between them in a mix in which
one or the other orientation predominates in different
•periods* Bins we might see China1 s conduct motivated in one
period by mostly ideological considerations at the expense
of the staire-to-state relations, then ve might see her policy
in the middle of the continuum and suf ering from immo bill sine
and just muddling through, or finally ?fe might see her emphasising
friendly ties at the expense of support of revolutionary
movements at the other extreme -point of the spectrum*
!fhe mechanism vhich enables Peking to move from one
pole to the other of the spectrum is activated by the
following elementsJ (1) the result of an internal power
struggle within the leadership in Peking between ideologically
radical and moderate elements, which enables the victorious
faction to initiate nev policies; (2) Peking's assessment
of the changing intentions and capabilities of the major
powers in the area; (3) internal changes within the countries
of the area and the changing attitudes of their
governments towards China; (4) changing fortunes of revolutionary
movements operating in the area*
'Phe second major point of this study is an assertion
that while China's conduct toward Southeast *lsia after her
foundation in 1949 was primarily based upon ideological
considerations, the beginning of the seventies saw the
national interest reasserting itself as the leading motive
factor* Thus China talks with her neighbours in Southeast
asia in terms of relevance of fllong historical ties,"
casting herself into the role of a benevolent "older brother11
who is entitled to reopect and deference in exchange for
patronage and protection* Hence the traditional echoes
of the past are emerging ever stronger and influencing
her postures towards the region, while the open support
to revolutionary moevments is underplayed at the moment.