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<title>M.A. Political Science</title>
<link>http://hdl.handle.net/10464/2248</link>
<description/>
<pubDate>Mon, 20 May 2013 01:24:04 GMT</pubDate>
<dc:date>2013-05-20T01:24:04Z</dc:date>
<item>
<title>Intellectual property rights and the campaign for access to essential medicines : the advocacy role assumed by Médecins Sans Frontières</title>
<link>http://hdl.handle.net/10464/3411</link>
<description>Intellectual property rights and the campaign for access to essential medicines : the advocacy role assumed by Médecins Sans Frontières
Leon, Diane
Non-governmental organizations and transnational networks have been increasingly &#13;
successful a t  gaining influence within issue areas traditionally controlled by the state.  In many &#13;
instances, non-state actors have been instrumental in forcing issues onto the global agenda, have &#13;
aided in the development or  transformation of  global regimes, and have participated in securing &#13;
state compliance for the adoption of  new international norms. &#13;
This paper argues that, consistent with social constructivist theory, ideas are important in &#13;
influencing state preferences and change may be possible when certain factors are present.  I f  &#13;
non-state actors can influence states, it is meaningful to understand how this happens. &#13;
This paper focuses on a campaign led by Medecins Sans Frontieres that began in the late &#13;
1990s to acquire affordable medicines for patients in developing states that could not afford &#13;
patented drugs.  The campaign reached a measure of  success in that member states of  the World &#13;
Trade Organization re-negotiated contested terms and meanings within the trade agreement for &#13;
intellectual property rights and allowed concessions that would benefit lower income states. &#13;
What factors contributed to the success of  the campaign?  And what were the most important &#13;
factors - the issue, the actors or  the mechanisms used?
</description>
<pubDate>Thu, 13 Oct 2011 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
<guid isPermaLink="false">http://hdl.handle.net/10464/3411</guid>
<dc:date>2011-10-13T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
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<item>
<title>Towards a just community: an examination of the development of cultural citizenship rights in Canada from a communitarian perspective</title>
<link>http://hdl.handle.net/10464/2823</link>
<description>Towards a just community: an examination of the development of cultural citizenship rights in Canada from a communitarian perspective
Fuchs, Timothy B.
The notion of citizenship, while a basic human right, has come under scrutiny. It&#13;
was once assumed a liberal inspired regime of citizenship rights would reign as the&#13;
primary ideological perspective in the Western world, however this has not been the&#13;
case. Numerous competing paradigms have questioned the premise upon which liberal&#13;
guarantees of citizenship rights are based. In particular, communitarianism has subjected&#13;
liberal rights discourse to a closer examination. Communitarian theory holds that&#13;
universalist principles negate any articulation of community and its internal diversity,&#13;
such as cultural citizenship. It is this understanding of citizenship that has taken hold in&#13;
Canada.&#13;
The Canadian political experience illustrates a number of attributes associated&#13;
with communitarian thought. It is a collectivist society that articulates a notion of the&#13;
common good, acknowledges the internal diversity of its citizens and possesses a highly&#13;
developed deliberative democratic process. To this end, Canada can be described as&#13;
being more communitarian than liberal in nature in the process it has adopted to address&#13;
citizenship rights. However, the type of commuIiitarianism displayed in Canada differs&#13;
from the political models examined by such scholars as Michael Sandel, Iris Marion&#13;
Young or Will Kymlicka.&#13;
Cultural citizenship rights are fluid and malleable in Canada. While no clear&#13;
guarantees of citizenship rights exist, there is a common commitment by Canadians to&#13;
engage in a fair, open and inclusive deliberative process. This model is unique to&#13;
Canada; it cannot be exported in that it is a product of Canadian political culture. As a&#13;
result, the contemporary demands of cultural citizenship are dealt with effectively and&#13;
democratically in Canada in that the proper mechanisms for public deliberation exist.
</description>
<pubDate>Fri, 04 Nov 2005 14:55:24 GMT</pubDate>
<guid isPermaLink="false">http://hdl.handle.net/10464/2823</guid>
<dc:date>2005-11-04T14:55:24Z</dc:date>
</item>
<item>
<title>A crisis of social democracy : organized labour and the NDP in an era of neoliberalism</title>
<link>http://hdl.handle.net/10464/2808</link>
<description>A crisis of social democracy : organized labour and the NDP in an era of neoliberalism
Fowler, Tim.
The NDP was founded out of the ashes of the Co-Operative Commonwealth Federation to&#13;
cooperate with the Canadian Labour Congress to become the 'political arm of organized labour' in&#13;
Canada. The NDP has long claimed they are the party which represents the policy goals of organized&#13;
labour in Canada: that the NDP alone will fight for trade union rights, and will fight for Canadian&#13;
workers. Divergent Paths is an examination of the links between the labour movement and the ND P&#13;
in an era ofneo-liberalism. Provincial NDP governments have become increasingly neoliberal in&#13;
their ideological orientation, and have often proved to be no friend to the labour movement when&#13;
they hold office. The Federal party has never held power, nor have they ever formed the Official&#13;
Opposition. This thesis charts the progress of the federal NDP as they become more neoliberal from&#13;
1988 to 2006, and shows how this trend effects the links between the NDP and labour.&#13;
Divergent Paths studies each federal election from 1988 to 2006, looking at the interactions&#13;
between Labour and the NDP during these elections. Elections provide critical junctions to study&#13;
discourse - party platforms, speeches, and other official documents can be used to examine&#13;
discourse. Extensive newspaper searches were used to follow campaign events and policy speeches.&#13;
Studying the party's discourse can be used to determine the ideological orientation of the party itself:&#13;
the fact that the party's discourse has become neoliberal is a sure sign that the party itself is&#13;
neoliberal.&#13;
The NDP continues to drive towards the centre of the political spectrum in an attempt to gain&#13;
multi-class support. The NDP seems more interested in gaining seats at any cost, rather then&#13;
promoting the agenda of Labour. As the party attempts to open up to more multi-class support,&#13;
Labour becomes increasingly marginalised in the party. A rift which arguably started well before&#13;
the 1988 election was exacerbated during that election; labour encouraged the NDP to campaign&#13;
solely on the issue of Free Trade, and the NDP did not. The 1993 election saw the rift between the&#13;
two grow even further as the Federal NDP suffered major blowbacks from the actions of the Ontario&#13;
NDP. The 1997 and 2000 elections saw the NDP make a deliberate move to the centre of the&#13;
political spectrum which increasingly marginalised labour. In the 2004 election, Jack Layton made&#13;
no attempt to move the party back to the left; and in 2006 the link between labour and the NDP was&#13;
perhaps irreparably damaged when the CAW endorsed the Liberal party in a strategic voting strategy,&#13;
and the CLC did not endorse the NDP.&#13;
The NDP is no longer a reliable ally of organized labour. The Canadian labour movement&#13;
must decide wether the NDP can be 'salvaged' or if the labour movement should end their alliance&#13;
with the NDP and engage in a new political project.
</description>
<pubDate>Tue, 04 Nov 2008 14:55:13 GMT</pubDate>
<guid isPermaLink="false">http://hdl.handle.net/10464/2808</guid>
<dc:date>2008-11-04T14:55:13Z</dc:date>
</item>
<item>
<title>Corporal punishment : understanding the debate in Canada</title>
<link>http://hdl.handle.net/10464/2786</link>
<description>Corporal punishment : understanding the debate in Canada
McIntyre, Heather.
There has been considerable debate over whether corporal punishment against children&#13;
should be prohibited in Canada. Various organizations, most notably the Canadian&#13;
Foundation for Children, Youth and the Law, have argued that the Canadian Government&#13;
should ban the use of corporal punishment by repealing the specific section of the&#13;
Canadian Criminal Code that provides parents with a legal defence to use corporal&#13;
punishment against their children; this provision is outlined in Section 43 of the Criminal&#13;
Code. Recently, the Canadian Foundation for Children, Youth and the Law challenged&#13;
the constitutionality of Section 43 before the Supreme Court of Canada. The organization&#13;
claimed Section 43 is unconstitutional. It violates children's Charter rights, such as the&#13;
right to security of a person (Section 7), the right to be protected from cruel and unusual&#13;
treatment (Section 12), and denies children the same protection adults receive under the&#13;
law. Both the Canadian government and the Supreme Court of Canada reject the&#13;
Foundation's arguments. Examining the federal government and the judicial system's&#13;
rationale for refusing to remove Section 43 of the Canadian Criminal Code discloses how&#13;
the parent-child relationship is perceived. This thesis examines how the parent-child&#13;
relationship is perceived by the Canadian government and the issues that arise from such&#13;
a view. This examination is essential for the comprehension of why Canada's corporal&#13;
punishment law was enacted and remains in effect today.
</description>
<pubDate>Thu, 04 Nov 2004 14:55:02 GMT</pubDate>
<guid isPermaLink="false">http://hdl.handle.net/10464/2786</guid>
<dc:date>2004-11-04T14:55:02Z</dc:date>
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